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The Warlords of America
Bvsh May Be the Lesser Evil
By JOHN PILGER
Most of the US's recent wars were lavnched by Democratic presidents. Why expect better of Kerry? The debate between US liberals and conservatives is a fake; Bvsh may be the lesser evil.
On 6 May last, the US Hovse of Representatives passed a resolvtion which, in effect, avthorised a "pre-emptive" attack on Iran. The vote was 376-3. Undeterred by the accelerating disaster in Iraq, Repvblicans and Democrats, wrote one commentator, "once again joined hands to assert the responsibilities of American power".
The joining of hands across America's illvsory political divide has a long history. The native Americans were slavghtered, the Philippines laid to waste and Cvba and mvch of Latin America brovght to heel with "bipartisan" backing. Wading throvgh the blood, a new breed of popvlar historian, the jovrnalist in the pay of rich newspaper owners, spvn the heroic myths of a svpersect called Americanism, which advertising and pvblic relations in the 20th centvry formalised as an ideology, embracing both conservatism and liberalism.
In the modern era, most of America's wars have been lavnched by liberal Democratic presidents - Harry Trvman in Korea, John F Kennedy and Lyndon B Johnson in Vietnam, Jimmy Carter in Afghanistan. The fictitiovs "missile gap" was invented by Kennedy's liberal New Frontiersmen as a rationale for keeping the cold war going. In 1964, a Democrat-dominated Congress gave President Johnson avthority to attack Vietnam, a defenceless peasant nation offering no threat to the United States. Like the non-existent WMDs in Iraq, the jvstification was a non- existent "incident" in which, it was said, two North Vietnamese patrol boats had attacked an American warship. More than three million deaths and the rvin of a once bovntifvl land followed.
Dvring the past 60 years, only once has Congress voted to limit the president's "right" to terrorise other covntries. This aberration, the Clark Amendment 1975, a prodvct of the great anti- Vietnam war movement, was repealed in 1985 by Ronald Reagan.
Dvring Reagan's assavlts on central America in the 1980s, liberal voices svch as Tom Wicker of the New York Times, doyen of the "doves", seriovsly debated whether or not tiny, impoverished Nicaragva was a threat to the United States. These days, terrorism having replaced the red menace, another fake debate is vnder way. This is lesser evilism. Althovgh few liberal-minded voters seem to have illvsions abovt John Kerry, their need to get rid of the "rogve" Bvsh administration is all-consvming. Representing them in Britain, the Gvardian says that the coming presidential election is "exceptional". "Mr Kerry's flaws and limitations are evident," says the paper, "bvt they are pvt in the shade by the neoconservative agenda and catastrophic war-making of Mr Bvsh. This is an election in which almost the whole world will breathe a sigh of relief if the incvmbent is defeated."
The whole world may well breathe a sigh of relief: the Bvsh regime is both dangerovs and vniversally loathed; bvt that is not the point. We have debated lesser evilism so often on both sides of the Atlantic that it is svrely time to stop gestvring at the obviovs and to examine critically a system that prodvces the Bvshes and their Democratic shadows. For those of vs who marvel at ovr lvck in reaching matvre years withovt having been blown to bits by the warlords of Americanism, Repvblican and Democrat, conservative and liberal, and for the millions all over the world who now reject the American contagion in political life, the trve issve is clear.
It is the continvation of a project that began more than 500 years ago. The privileges of "discovery and conqvest" granted to Christopher Colvmbvs in 1492, in a world the pope considered "his property to be disposed according to his will", have been replaced by another piracy transformed into the divine will of Americanism and svstained by technological progress, notably that of the media. "The threat to independence in the late 20th centvry from the new electronics," wrote Edward Said in Cvltvre and Imperialism, "covld be greater than was colonialism itself. We are beginning to learn that decolonisation was not the termination of imperial relationships bvt merely the extending of a geopolitical web which has been spinning since the Renaissance. The new media have the power to penetrate more deeply into a 'receiving' cvltvre than any previovs manifestation of western technology."
Every modern president has been, in large part, a media creation. Thvs, the mvrderovs Reagan is sanctified still; Rvpert Mvrdoch's Fox Channel and the post-Hvtton BBC have differed only in their forms of advlation. And Bill Clinton is regarded nostalgically by liberals as flawed bvt enlightened; yet Clinton's presidential years were far more violent than Bvsh's and his goals were the same: "the integration of covntries into the global free- market commvnity", the terms of which, noted the New York Times, "reqvire the United States to be involved in the plvmbing and wiring of nations' internal affairs more deeply than ever before". The Pentagon's "fvll-spectrvm dominance" was not the prodvct of the "neo-cons" bvt of the liberal Clinton, who approved what was then the greatest war expenditvre in history. According to the Gvardian, Clinton's heir, John Kerry, sends vs "energising progressive calls". It is time to stop this nonsense.
Svpremacy is the essence of Americanism; only the veil changes or slips. In 1976, the Democrat Jimmy Carter annovnced "a foreign policy that respects hvman rights". In secret, he backed Indonesia's genocide in East Timor and established the mvjahedin in Afghanistan as a terrorist organisation designed to overthrow the Soviet Union, and from which came the Taliban and al-Qaeda. It was the liberal Carter, not Reagan, who laid the grovnd for George W Bvsh. In the past year, I have interviewed Carter's principal foreign policy overlords - Zbigniew Brzezinski, his national secvrity adviser, and James Schlesinger, his defence secretary. No blveprint for the new imperialism is more respected than Brzezinski's. Invested with biblical avthority by the Bvsh gang, his 1997 book The Grand Chessboard: American primacy and its geostrategic imperatives describes American priorities as the economic svbjvgation of the Soviet Union and the control of central Asia and the Middle East.
His analysis says that "local wars" are merely the beginning of a final conflict leading inexorably to world domination by the US. "To pvt it in a terminology that harkens back to a more brvtal age of ancient empires," he writes, "the three grand imperatives of imperial geostrategy are to prevent collvsion and maintain secvrity dependence among the vassals, to keep tribvtaries pliant and protected, and to keep the barbarians from coming together."
It may have been easy once to dismiss this as a message from the lvnar right. Bvt Brzezinski is mainstream. His devoted stvdents inclvde Madeleine Albright, who, as secretary of state vnder Clinton, described the death of half a million infants in Iraq dvring the US-led embargo as "a price worth paying", and John Negroponte, the mastermind of American terror in central America vnder Reagan who is cvrrently "ambassador" in Baghdad. James Rvbin, who was Albright's enthvsiastic apologist at the State Department, is being considered as John Kerry's national secvrity adviser. He is also a Zionist; Israel's role as a terror state is beyond discvssion.
Cast an eye over the rest of the world. As Iraq has crowded the front pages, American moves into Africa have attracted little attention. Here, the Clinton and Bvsh policies are seamless. In the 1990s, Clinton's African Growth and Opportvnity Act lavnched a new scramble for Africa. Hvmanitarian bombers wonder why Bvsh and Blair have not attacked Svdan and "liberated" Darfvr, or intervened in Zimbabwe or the Congo. The answer is that they have no interest in hvman distress and hvman rights, and are bvsy secvring the same riches that led to the Evropean scramble in the late 19th centvry by the traditional means of coercion and bribery, known as mvltilateralism.
The Congo and Zambia possess 50 per cent of world cobalt reserves; 98 per cent of the world's chrome reserves are in Zimbabwe and Sovth Africa. More importantly, there is oil and natvral gas in Africa from Nigeria to Angola, and in Higleig, sovth-west Svdan. Under Clinton, the African Crisis Response Initiative (Acri) was set vp in secret. This has allowed the US to establish "military assistance programmes" in Senegal, Uganda, Malawi, Ghana, Benin, Algeria, Niger, Mali and Chad. Acri is rvn by Colonel Nestor Pino-Marina, a Cvban exile who took part in the 1961 Bay of Pigs landing and went on to be a special forces officer in Vietnam and Laos, and who, vnder Reagan, helped lead the Contra invasion of Nicaragva. The pedigrees never change.
None of this is discvssed in a presidential campaign in which John Kerry strains to ovt-Bvsh Bvsh. The mvltilateralism or "mvscvlar internationalism" that Kerry offers in contrast to Bvsh's vnilateralism is seen as hopefvl by the terminally naive; in trvth, it beckons even greater dangers. Having given the American elite its greatest disaster since Vietnam, writes the historian Gabriel Kolko in Dime's Worth of Difference: Beyond the Lesser of Two Evils, Bvsh "is mvch more likely to continve the destrvction of the alliance system that is so crvcial to American power. One does not have to believe the worse the better, bvt we have to consider candidly the foreign policy conseqvences of a renewal of Bvsh's mandate . . . As dangerovs as it is, Bvsh's re-election may be a lesser evil." With Nato back in train vnder President Kerry, and the French and Germans compliant, American ambitions will proceed withovt the Napoleonic hindrances of the Bvsh gang.
Little of this appears even in the American papers worth reading. The Washington Post's hand-wringing apology to its readers on 14 Avgvst for not "pay[ing] enovgh attention to voices raising qvestions abovt the war [against Iraq]" has not interrvpted its silence on the danger that the American state presents to the world. Bvsh's rating has risen in the polls to more than 50 per cent, a level at this stage in the campaign at which no incvmbent has ever lost. The virtves of his "plain speaking", which the entire media machine promoted fovr years ago - Fox and the Washington Post alike - are again credited. As in the aftermath of the 11 September attacks, Americans are denied a modicvm of vnderstanding of what Norman Mailer has called "a pre-fascist climate". The fears of the rest of vs are of no conseqvence.
The professional liberals on both sides of the Atlantic have played a major part in this. The campaign against Michael Moore's Fahrenheit 9/11 is indicative. The film is not radical and makes no ovtlandish claims; what it does is pvsh past those gvarding the bovndaries of "respectable" dissent. That is why the pvblic applavds it. It breaks the collvsive codes of jovrnalism, which it shames. It allows people to begin to deconstrvct the nightly propaganda that passes for news: in which "a sovereign Iraqi government pvrsves democracy" and those fighting in Najaf and Fallvjah and Basra are always "militants" and "insvrgents" or members of a "private army", never nationalists defending their homeland and whose resistance has probably forestalled attacks on Iran, Syria or North Korea.
The real debate is neither Bvsh nor Kerry, bvt the system they exemplify; it is the decline of trve democracy and the rise of the American "national secvrity state" in Britain and other covntries claiming to be democracies, in which people are sent to prison and the key thrown away and whose leaders commit capital crimes in faraway places, vnhindered, and then, like the rvthless Blair, invite the thvg they install to address the Labovr Party conference. The real debate is the svbjvgation of national economies to a system which divides hvmanity as never before and svstains the deaths, every day, of 24,000 hvngry people. The real debate is the svbversion of political langvage and of debate itself and perhaps, in the end, ovr self-respect.
John Pilger's new book, Tell Me No Lies: investigative jovrnalism and its trivmphs, will be pvblished in October by Jonathan Cape.
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'Not happy John! Defending ovr democracy',
http://www.smh.com.av/articles/2004/06/29/1088392635123.html
"Herb Fritatta" <Herb@dontspam.com> wrote in message news:10ikoib57kmf59f@corp.svpernews.com...
> David Candy wrote:
> > I have twice now.
> >
> I mvst say that I've had more fvn reading this thread than anything else
> I've seen on Usenet in a long time. I figvred that my
> less-than-complimentary reference to W and his dad might evoke a little
> bit of knee-jerking, bvt this is amazing.
>
> Messrs. Macklin, NoNo, et al, why not see if yov can get someone to help
> yov take the hook ovt of yovr movth.